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Incite Violence Harass Intimidate Make Threats Protest on private property without permission Enterer public domain to impede and interfere with public progress and transportation The mob of rioters lost their 1st Amendment right by illegally protesting in one area then pursuing, chasing and running after my husband and me yelling threats in an attempt to harass, intimidate and incite violence. "Bloodlines and Bullets" An Analysis of Generational Crime and Systemic Failures in Springfield Beth Donahue - Author LISTEN TO THE WHOLE STORY AT THE BOTTOM OF THE PAGE BELOW "Bloodlines and Bullets" presents a detailed criminological investigation into the homicides in Springfield, (Ohio), from 2021 to July 2025. The research moves beyond surface-level incident reporting to analyze the deep-rooted patterns of violence. The book's central thesis is that the majority of Springfield's murders are not random acts but are concentrated within a specific, high-risk, and socially interconnected population. Using forensic victimology as its primary analytical lens, the research establishes a significant "victim-offender overlap," demonstrating that victims and perpetrators often share similar high-risk lifestyles, criminal backgrounds, and social networks. The book further identifies critical systemic failures within the city's public safety and justice systems, including significant crime data underreporting, mismanagement of public funds, and a near-total failure to prosecute domestic violence cases, all of which contribute to the cycle of violence. The book's research is grounded in the principles of victimology, the scientific study of victimization. It specifically employs forensic victimology to build detailed profiles of both victims and offenders. By analyzing a victim's lifestyle, habits, relationships, and criminal history, the research assesses their risk level. This distinction is crucial. Low-Risk Victim:  A homicide victim with a stable lifestyle and small inner circle strongly suggests the offender is known to them. High-Risk Victim:  A victim involved in dangerous activities (e.g., drug markets, weapons offenses) points to a much wider and more complex suspect pool, often populated by other high-risk individuals. The book heavily explores this concept, which challenges the binary of "victim" vs. "offender." The research shows that many offenders are former victims, and, critically, that many victims of Springfield's homicides were not "innocent" in the traditional sense. They are often classified as "Voluntary Victims" or "Victims More Guilty than Offender," (per victimology archetypes) meaning they were active participants in the criminal enterprises or conflicts that led to their deaths. "Bloodlines and Bullets" is divided into three main sections, with the latter two focusing on institutional failures that compound the violence. The analysis of Springfield's homicides from 2021 to 2025 reveals distinct patterns, contradicting the narrative of widespread, random crime. High-Risk Profiles Dominate: Approximately 80% of Springfield's murder victims fit a high-risk profile. The primary contributing factors are: Direct involvement in drug-related crime. A history of extensive domestic disputes. A significant personal criminal history (arrests, charges, weapons offenses).   The "80/20 Rule" is confirmed. The findings align with the established criminological principle that 80% of crimes are committed by 20% of the population. Springfield's violence is identified as a persistent reoffender issue, where a small, consistent group of individuals commits a vast majority of crimes. The use of Social Network Analysis (SNA) is used. A "link analysis" included in the book provides a quantitative exclamation point to the findings. It reveals that victims and offenders are highly connected through family and social relationships. This data visualizes the "birds of a feather" concept, showing that routine interactions with crime, drugs, and weapons within these social circles create a high probability of lethal violence. One central node in the network, for example, was socially connected to six other individuals, four of whom (including the node itself) were ultimately murdered. Part 1:  Homicide Analysis (2021-2025) and details the murders that form the core of the study. Part 2:  Data Reporting and Financial Mismanagement: This section criticizes the city's administrative response to the violence. The city failed to report accurate crime data to the FBI, resulting in an official murder count that is over 20% lower than the actual number. Grant Mismanagement of a $1.3 million federal "Gun Violence Reduction Plan" grant (supplemented by $1.2 million from the Springfield Foundation) was canceled by the federal government. Subsequently, over $400,000 was spent on "administrative costs," with no public challenge or accountability for the missing funds. Part 3:  This section uncovers a critical failure in the justice system. In 2024, the Springfield Police Department (SPD) recorded its highest-ever number of domestic violence arrests. From 2022 to 2024, the Municipal prosecutor’s office dismissed over 85% of these domestic violence cases annually. This lack of prosecution, which came to light in March 2025 and preceded the prosecutor's resignation, effectively denied justice to victims and allowed serial offenders to remain on the street, perpetuating the cycle of violence that often escalates to homicide.   Conclusion "Bloodlines and Bullets" argues that Springfield's crime problem is not an unsolvable wave of random violence. It is a predictable and concentrated phenomenon driven by a specific high-risk demographic, enabled by a justice system that fails to hold offenders accountable—particularly in cases of domestic violence—and obscured by a municipal administration that has failed in its duties of transparent reporting and fiscal responsibility.   The book is about Victimology; it is not a biography where the author interviews victims’ families and gets a day pass to prison to interview the suspected killer. Basic crime scene investigation, you start with the victim of a murder, because in most cases the police NEVER have an assailant unless they are also dead at the scene or seemingly willing to turn themselves in to police. What you get is a crime scene, and you work it outwards. You examine clues close at hand and extend out to who else was at the scene of the crime. You go to friends, family, relationships, and last known acquaintances. Next, you develop a profile of the murdered person. Are they a clean, outstanding person? Or do they have a criminal past? Are they involved in the drug market or some other illegal markets, such as dealing guns, stolen property, or worse, sex trafficking? Law enforcement begins to look at the deceased's inner circle. Is anyone in the deceased's inner circle involved in those types of endeavors?  The old saying "Birds of a feather flock together" has been held true for thousands of years. People tend to associate with others based on similar behavior, desires, addictions, or reciprocal influences. The book Bloodlines and Bullets  is about my research into Springfield's murders and the use of victimology. Victimology is the scientific study of victimization, examining the psychological effects on victims, their relationships with offenders, and their interactions with the justice system. It's best understood as a subfield of criminology. There are distinct schools of thought: 'Positivist' victimology , which focuses on victim characteristics and risk (sometimes leading to 'victim-blaming'), and 'Critical' victimology , which analyzes how social structures like poverty create victims. So, how does Victimology solve crimes? The most practical application is known as 'forensic victimology.'  You do this by building a detailed victim profile—analyzing their lifestyle, habits, and relationships—investigators can narrow the suspect pool. For instance, a 'low risk' victim (who rarely goes out) points to a suspect in their small inner circle, while a 'high-risk' victim (involved in dangerous activities) points to a much wider pool of potential offenders. This analysis is crucial for understanding the offender's motive and how they selected their target. In the Ted Bundy case, the FBI's profile of his victims—'young, attractive women with long hair parted in the middle' was a key insight. For Andrew Cunanan, his victims appeared random until victimology linked them through his personal orbit. John Wayne Gacy's victims fit a clear 'high-risk' profile (runaways, hitchhikers). Case Study of Andrew Cunanan In the Andrew Cunanan case, the key victimological insight was that his victims were not a physical 'type,' but were instead linked biographically. His spree began with personal targets—a former friend and an ex-lover—driven by personal rage. His next victims were targets of opportunity to gain resources for his escape. His final, famous victim, Gianni Versace, was symbolic, representing the wealthy lifestyle Cunanan coveted. This understanding was crucial as it showed investigators, he was moving along a path defined by his past relationships, not randomly. Case Study of Dennis Rader (BTK-Killer) The analysis of the 'BTK' case revealed a different kind of profile. His victimology was defined by a process of fantasy, stalking, and control, not a consistent type. He referred to his victims as 'projects,' indicating he stalked them for long periods. His motive was purely psychological and sexual—the fantasy of 'Bind, Torture, Kill.' This insight suggested the killer was highly organized, methodical, and likely 'hiding in plain sight' with a seemingly normal life, which he did for decades. But what about all the Springfield murders? Many of the murders were not related to a serial killer. No, some murders were purely random, and some would say it was about "being in the wrong place at the wrong time".  However, for about 80% of the Springfield murders, the crimes all revolved around three important issues: 1.    The Victims were all involved in a "drug-related crime". 2.    The victims were involved in many domestic disputes over the years. 3.    Lastly, the victims had extensive past or ongoing criminal charges, arrest records, and were associated with other criminal offenders. In all three scenarios, there were victims with past arrests with gun crimes, many obtaining charges of Having Weapons While Under Disability, Carrying a Concealed Weapon, and Improperly Handling Firearms in a Vehicle. My book built a detailed victim profile—analyzing their lifestyle, habits, and relationships and I found many 'high-risk' victims involved in dangerous activities. My book also built a detailed profile analyzing the offender's lifestyle. What did I find? Both victims and offenders were involved in interrelated (friends and family) socialization and routine interactions with crime, drugs, and weapons. Was this a new finding in the world of criminology? NO! In fact, almost every law enforcement community will state the 80/20. It goes like this: 80% of crimes recorded are committed by 20% of the same people . It is a reoffender issue, not a widespread crime issue, where many crimes are being committed by many people. Conversely, there are many arrests and crimes committed by the same people over and over and over. Victimology analyzes the interactions between victims and the criminal justice system, including their engagement with police, the courts, and corrections officials. Victimology considers that old saying, "Birds of a feather flock together." One of the most profound and complex areas of study within the field of Victimology is the "victim-offender overlap".  This concept challenges the simplistic binary of "victim" versus "offender," as empirical research demonstrates that "most offenders have been victims." You can look at victimology as a multi-level study, from a purely innocent victim to a willing victim and participant in a crime. 1. Completely Innocent Victim - A victim who bears no responsibility for their victimization and did not contribute to it in any way. EXAMPLE: A person was attacked while unconscious. 2. Victim with Minor Guilt  - A victim who inadvertently places themselves in harm's way due to ignorance or carelessness. EXAMPLE: A person who frequently visits a high-crime area and is subsequently robbed. 3. Voluntary Victim (As Guilty as Offender) - A victim who bears as much responsibility as the offender, often in cases where both parties are engaged in criminal activity. EXAMPLE: A person who enters into a suicide pact, OR a victim of a drug deal gone wrong. 4. Victim More Guilty than Offender - A victim who instigates or provokes their own victimization. EXAMPLE: An individual who attacks another person and is subsequently harmed or killed by the other party. 5. Victim as Guilty as Offender EXAMPLE: An individual who instigates a conflict but is ultimately killed in what is determined to be self-defense by the perpetrator. 6. Imaginary Victim  - An individual who claims to be a victim but is not, often by falsifying a police report. EXAMPLE: A person who falsely reports a crime for insurance purposes. Maybe, the most likely reason those mob members are upset…  Cognitive Dissonance! Cognitive dissonance is the intense mental discomfort of holding two conflicting beliefs at the same time. Belief 1 (Self-Concept): "I am a good person at heart," "I am a loyal friend," "I am trying to change," and "My actions were justified." Belief 2 (The Truth): " I am a criminal," "My past defines my future," and since all my friends are all criminals, so shall I be." Having a criminal record often means a person is permanently marked by the system. Publicly bringing up a criminal’s past is a powerful reminder and one in which criminals have inability to escape their history. It begins with angry backlash, a desperate attempt to regain control of the narrative (I’m a good person). By attacking the messenger, they are trying to discredit the information (criminal) and reclaim power over their own story (Cognitive Dissonance). Yochelson and Samenow are the founders of criminal personalities. They suggest crime is not cause of: Environment:  They argued that environment is, at best, a context  and, more often, an excuse  used by the offender. Psychological Illness:  They were rational actors who knew right from wrong but chose  to do wrong. Lack of Opportunity: They found offenders had often been given numerous opportunities (jobs, education, help from family) but actively rejected them as "boring" or "too slow," preferring the "excitement" of a criminal’s life. The Core of the Theory is Criminal Thinking Errors! Yochelson and Samenow identified over 50 "thinking errors" (cognitive distortions) that define the criminal personality. These are not symptoms; they are the cause  of criminal behavior. Behavior is a logical (to them) outcome of this distorted thinking. Grandiosity / Super optimism:  An incredibly inflated sense of self-worth. They believe they are superior to everyone else, smarter, tougher, and more cunning. This leads to super optimism: the absolute belief that they can commit any crime and will not get caught. When they are caught, it's just "bad luck" or a "stupid mistake," not a flaw in their thinking. "Zero State" and Power Thrust: A persistent, deep-seated feeling of being a "nobody," "worthless," or having no power. This state is intolerable. The "power thrust" is the criminal's chosen method to escape this "zero state" committing a crime (stealing, assaulting, conning) gives them a surge of power and makes them feel like "somebody." Lack of Empathy:  A profound inability or, more accurately, refusal  to understand or care about the impact of their actions on their victims. Victims are seen as objects or "pawns" to be used. Instant Gratification (Lack of Time Perspective):  A total inability to delay gratification. They want what they want, and they want it now . The legitimate world's path (working, saving, studying) is seen as slow, boring, and for "suckers." Criminality as a Choice The most critical takeaway is that, in this theory, criminality is a choice. The person is not  driven by uncontrollable impulses. They rationally, consciously, and repeatedly choose  a criminal way of life because it aligns with their thinking patterns. They prefer the "excitement" and "power" of crime to the "boredom" and "effort" of a responsible life. So, what is the connection to "Bloodlines and Bullets" When this mob attacked me and my husband, it was not a 1 st amendment right to protest, they lost that the minute it became about, threats intimidation, harassment and violence. They lost that first amendment right the minute they protested on private property without permission. They lost that right when they entered within the public domain and interfered with public progress and transportation. They lost that right when illegally protesting in one area to going chasing and running after my Husband and me implying intimidation. The anger you see from these mob members at the riot and at City Commission is when an offender's past is mentioned, it is a perfect demonstration of the Victim Stance. They are not  angry because they are ashamed (which would be guilt); they are angry because, in their mind, my husband and me  are the aggressors for "victimizing" them by "disrespecting" them. The 80/20 Reoffender Issue: Yochelson and Samenow's entire study focused on this "20%" group. Their theory explains why  they reoffend. Prison and probation do not fix the thinking . Unless the underlying thinking errors are confronted with and changed, the individual will always return to crime, regardless of the punishment or external circumstances. Social Networks: The "criminal personality" would actively seek out and associate with others who share and validate their thinking patterns, reinforcing the in-group loyalty identified in the book.   Mob Members with Criminal Arrest Records: Davidd Rose Amanda Ovando Cara "Dynamite" Graham Tyla Mays (with 3x5 card) Another loser     Click on the video and listen

Prostitution, Drugs, and Possible Serial Killer: The Haunting Stories of Springfield, Ohio Springfield, Ohio stories no one wanted you to read Available on Amazon books NOTE: The book was due for release on Monday, September 1st, 2025, however, due to technical issues on Amazons end it was delayed. As of Thursday, September 4, all issues are fix and the book is NOW AVAIABLE Introduction In the heart of Ohio lies a city haunted by its own name. Springfield, known as the Champion City, was once a hub of ambition and industry. The clamor of foundries and the rhythmic churn of assembly lines filled the air. This city built the machines that fed the world. However, the ghosts of that glory now wander through empty factories and down streets scarred by the slow rust of forgotten prosperity. This book tells the story of the lost women of Springfield. At the center of this narrative is a haunting question: What happened to Amber Marie Whitmer? When she vanished in the late spring of 2016, her absence was met with indifference. She was labeled a "known prostitute," a "career criminal." Her disappearance was treated as an occupational hazard, a predictable outcome of a life lived on the margins. The system designed to protect her instead rendered her invisible. The forensic trail decayed, and the whispers of her last known whereabouts faded. Amber became a ghost long before she was ever considered a victim. The Forgotten Women Amber's case is not an anomaly. It is a stark data point in a tragic, repeating pattern. The streets she walked were a hunting ground, a lethal ecosystem where the lines between victim and perpetrator blurred. In this chaotic web of addiction, exploitation, and violence, a woman's life could be extinguished over a drug dispute or simply because she was deemed disposable. For decades, women like Amber have vanished from this environment. Their cases collect dust in the cold, quiet archives of unsolved crimes. This book is not just another recitation of those cold facts. It is an autopsy of that lethal ecosystem. A New Kind of Investigation In a world drowning in digital noise—court records, police affidavits, news archives, and the sprawling, cryptic world of social media—the clues to what happened to Amber and the other lost women are not missing; they are buried. Finding them is a task beyond human analysis. It requires a search for a single, critical sentence hidden within millions of pages of unstructured data. To uncover these hidden truths, we employed the tools of the 21st century. Using the power of Artificial Intelligence and the precision of Social Network Analysis, we will reconstruct the world these women inhabited. We will map the intricate web of relationships that connected them, their friends, their accomplices, and their predators. The Architecture of Risk We will follow the digital echoes they left behind. This will transform a confusing tangle of names and places into a clear, terrifying architecture of risk. This is not a story about a single monster but about the system that allows monsters to thrive. It is an investigation into the red lines drawn a century ago that still dictate who has access to safety and who is confined to the forgotten corners of a city. By connecting the dots that no one else could see, we will give a voice to the ghosts. We will follow the trail of digital breadcrumbs to the doorsteps of pimps, violent felons, and convicted murderers. This will reveal a world far more dangerous and interconnected than was ever officially acknowledged. The Stories of the Lost This is the story of Amber Whitmer, but it is also the story of Cierra Spitler, Lacie Henry, Tiffany Chambers, and many others. It is an attempt to find answers, not just for them, but for every woman who has ever been told that her life doesn't count. The ghosts of Champion City have been silent for too long. It is time to listen. The Impact of Society The societal structures in place often contribute to the invisibility of these women. They are marginalized and forgotten, their stories buried under layers of stigma and neglect. The narratives surrounding their lives are often shaped by prejudice, leading to a lack of urgency in their cases. The Role of Law Enforcement Law enforcement plays a crucial role in addressing these issues. However, the approach often lacks sensitivity and understanding. Many officers view these women through a lens of criminality rather than as victims in need of help. This perspective can hinder investigations and perpetuate the cycle of violence and exploitation. The Power of Community Community involvement is essential in bringing attention to these cases. Grassroots organizations and local advocates can amplify the voices of the forgotten. They can push for change and demand accountability from those in power. By fostering a supportive environment, communities can help prevent further tragedies. Conclusion The story of Springfield, Ohio, is not just about crime and loss. It is a call to action. It urges us to confront the uncomfortable truths about society's treatment of vulnerable individuals. By shedding light on these hidden narratives, we can begin to create a safer, more just world for everyone. In conclusion, the haunting stories of Springfield remind us that every life matters. The ghosts of Champion City deserve to be heard. It is time to listen and act.

Defining Serial Domestic Violence Offenders in the United States. Download the report on: SELECTED CASE STUDIES Serial Domestic Violence Offenders and Murders in Springfield, Ohio "What drives an individual to repeatedly inflict violence upon those they claim to love, and what happens when that violence inevitably spills over into homicide? By Beth Donahue Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition - 2025 PDF DOWNLOAD HERE

Defining Serial Domestic Violence Offenders in the United States   Beth Donahue Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition   Allison Fernandez Incarnate Word University   Author Note Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Beth Donahue, Executive Director, Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition, www.springfielddvc.com beth@springfielddvc.com   Abstract:   The United States currently lacks a consistent, legally standardized definition for a "serial domestic violence offender" (SDVO), resulting in informal and inconsistent application of the term in practice and public discourse. While there are existing legal classifications, such as "repeat" or "habitual" offender that often rely on prior conviction counts within specified timeframes, this fails to capture the behavioral patterns of coercive control across multiple victims that characterize serial offending. This definitional gap significantly hinders consistent identification, research, risk assessment, and effective intervention strategies for a particularly dangerous subset of perpetrators. These gaps have also gained attention in the United Kingdom but has yet to become a prevalent discussion in the United States (Bland, M. P., Ariel, B., Bland, M. P., & Ariel, B., 2020; Godfrey, B. S., & Richardson, J. C., 2024). This study aims to bring this discussion to the forefront of U.S. public discourse by exploring how the term SDVO is understood and applied in practice. A systematic qualitative meta-synthesis was conducted on U.S. news archives (January 1995 - April 2025) using keywords "serial domestic violence offender," "serial domestic violence abuser," and "serial domestic violence perpetrator". This yielded 24 articles featuring unique individuals explicitly categorized with these terms. A thematic analysis was performed on these case narratives to identify key themes related to offender characteristics and systemic responses. Findings reveal that the term "serial" is often used in news media to describe offenders exhibiting patterns of coercive control spanning multiple victims and relationships, frequently accompanied by escalating physical violence and extensive non-domestic criminality. These individuals often had repeated, yet ineffective, interactions with the criminal justice system, characterized by accountability gaps such as dismissed charges, lenient plea bargains, inadequate sentencing, underutilization of habitual offender laws, and protection order violations. This research highlights a critical discrepancy between the informal, pattern-based understanding of serial domestic violence evident in public discourse and formal, conviction-based legal definitions. The study proposes a working definition for a "serial domestic violence offender" and discusses implications for forensic practice, emphasizing the importance of pattern-based risk assessment that considers multiple victims, strangulation history, general criminality, and court order violations. Addressing this definitional gap is crucial for improving victim safety, offender accountability, and the overall effectiveness of legal and policy responses to patterned domestic abuse.

You're Invited! FREE  Public Presentation: Hear Groundbreaking Research on a Critical Issue Join SDVC for:   "Defining Serial Domestic Violence Offenders in the United States"

By James Steward The core issue galvanizing Springfield residents is the alarming and undeniable evidence presented in traffic citation data: a dramatic and overwhelming shift indicating that Haitian drivers are now responsible for the vast majority of traffic violations. As detailed in Table 3  of this report, the proportion of Violations Bureau cases attributed to Haitian residents skyrocketed from 0% in 2015-2016 to consistently over 67% from 2020 through 2024, peaking at 79% in 2021. This stark data is interpreted by residents not as an issue of biased enforcement, but as clear evidence of who is committing the infractions See the full article below (PDF)

My Experience at the Commissioners' Meeting I had only three minutes to make my point. Did I receive any comments or questions from the Commissioners? Perhaps inquiries like, is that true? or how we can combat this epidemic. Unfortunately, my speech was cut down to fit the strict three-minute policy for public comments during the Commissioners' meeting. Again, I am here to stress the gravity of the domestic violence epidemic that is plaguing our community. The Tragic Reality of Domestic Violence Mayor, Commissioners, thank you for the opportunity to speak this evening. Some of you might recall that I have addressed you many times before. Each time, my subject has been the same: the persistent, devastating epidemic of domestic violence in Springfield. Today, I return not just to warn you, but to validate the tragic warnings I have previously shared. Let’s reflect on August 13, 2024. I stood before you and declared, "Springfield is a breeding ground for serial domestic violence offenders." You joked about it. You dismissed my concerns. Contrast that with September 2024. At the Midwest Criminal Justice Conference in Chicago, I presented my study on serial domestic violence offenders. No one there laughed at my findings. These were professionals—PhD-educated criminologists who understand criminal behavior. They recognized the severity of the situation. Unlike those in charge of our city, they understand the consequences of ignoring this issue. My findings were serious then, and they remain critically serious now. A Dire Warning On October 17, 2024, I held a public meeting right here in Springfield. I reiterated my warnings about serial domestic violence offenders. I stated unequivocally that Springfield has over 100 of these individuals. It was only a matter of time before we began to witness escalations leading to murder. At that meeting, I highlighted a specific name to Commissioner Tracy Tackett: Raymond Scott. The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition identified him as a serial domestic violence offender. Just a few months later, on February 15, 2025, my warnings became a horrific reality. Raymond Scott, 27, of Springfield, was indicted on charges including aggravated murder, murder, aggravated burglary, strangulation, and felonious assault for brutally killing Kaleena Bentley. I explicitly warned you this could happen. I provided you with a name. Yet, you did not act with the urgency this crisis demands. A Failing Justice System For months, I emphasized your Chief Prosecutor Dibartalo's 83% dismissal rate involving domestic violence cases. An 83% failure rate results in a lack of protection for victims and accountability for abusers. I indicated that, based on observed systemic failures, our city would soon operate under a federal consent decree with the U.S. Department of Justice. Springfield is now only three months away from facing this harsh reality. I made it clear that you needed to fire the Prosecutor or demand his resignation. On March 15, he finally resigned. However, there was silence regarding his departure. There was also no announcement about Ms. Erin McEnaney’s promotion to Chief Prosecutor. Why the lack of transparency? Legislative Changes: A Step Forward, But a Step Back There is now talk of new laws as potential solutions to this epidemic. Ohio laws have increasingly recognized the severity of specific abusive acts that were once minimized. They have enhanced penalties, elevating certain offenses to felonies. Recently, the Governor signed House Bill 111, which presumes prison time for offenders convicted of third-degree felony domestic violence, given they have previous domestic violence convictions. These enhancements are progress on paper. However, there exists a critical flaw—an inherent dependency within these new laws. They require a prior conviction of a domestic violence misdemeanor or felony. Unfortunately, that is precisely what the previous Chief Prosecutor failed to achieve, with an 83% dismissal rate in misdemeanor domestic violence cases. Think about it. New laws designed to punish repeat offenders are rendered ineffective from the start. The system could not secure the initial convictions necessary to activate these enhancements. A Call to Action My question tonight, Mayor and Commissioners, is this: How many more people in our community must become victims? How many more lives, like Kaleena Bentley's, must be tragically lost before you start addressing this epidemic with the seriousness it warrants? This is not a laughing matter. It is a matter of life and death for those you are sworn to protect. The time for inaction, dismissal, and humor at this grave matter is over. The evidence of failure is undeniable, and the cost is counted in human lives. My call to action is simple, direct, and urgent: Acknowledge the failures of the past. Demand accountability from our justice system leadership, starting now with the new Chief Prosecutor. Ensure they possess the resources, authority, and determination needed to aggressively prosecute domestic violence cases. Stop treating domestic violence as a minor nuisance. Implement strategies based on solid research and legitimate data, not ignorance. Springfield must cease being a breeding ground for serial abusers. The lives of your constituents depend on it.

I said the City Commissioners work session would be all lies...and I did not lie! We heard lies of Exaggeration, overstating the truth, making something sound more significant and better than it actually is. We heard lies of Minimization, downplaying the significance of something to distort the truth. We heard lies of inventing facts or data and spreading rumors based on fabricated information We heard lies of Denial, refusing to acknowledge truth and reality. We heard lies using Gaslighting, attempts to make the viewing public doubt their own sanity, perception of reality, and memories (Hello, DV is posted everyday in the Springfield News Sun) So many lies, the problem of DV has only increased since 2018, despite the MILLIONS in grant money and funds thrown at the issue by the City and County Watch the Video and hear the TRUTH!

Analysis of Domestic Violence Case Dismissal Rates and Offender Characteristics in Clark County, Ohio (2022): Implications for Forensic Practice Beth Donahue Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition www.springfielddvc.com beth@ springfielddvc.com Abstract Domestic violence (DV) case attrition, particularly through dismissals, poses significant challenges to the criminal justice system and victim safety. Understanding the factors contributing to high dismissal rates is crucial for improving system responses. This study analyzed 238 DV-related court cases involving 187 unique offenders processed in Clark County, Ohio, during 2022. Data were extracted from public court records and police reports, focusing on charge types, case outcomes, offender characteristics, relationship types, and processing times. Findings revealed an overall case dismissal rate of 73.9%, with misdemeanor cases reaching 77.8%. A substantial proportion of offenders had documented prior (58.8%) or subsequent (60.1%) DV case involvement by the end of 2023, indicating high recidivism. Intimate partner violence constituted the majority of cases (79.8%). Compared to reported rates in larger metropolitan areas like New Orleans, San Antonio, and New York City, Clark County's dismissal rates appear notably high, particularly for a smaller jurisdiction. While specific reasons for dismissal (e.g., prosecutorial discretion, witness issues) require further investigation due to data limitations, the high attrition rate underscores potential issues in evidence sufficiency, victim participation, and case processing. These findings highlight the need for enhanced data collection and suggest areas where forensic science, through improved evidence documentation, analysis of victim dynamics, and understanding injury patterns, could contribute to strengthening DV case prosecution and improving effective interventions. Keywords : domestic violence, case dismissal, intimate partner violence, recidivism, criminal justice system, forensic science, Clark County, Ohio NOTE: The City of Springfield had 513 Domestic Violence Arrests in 2024, the Highest ever in the history of the Springfield Police Department. In 2015, Springfield had 1,758 Domestic Violence incidents, yet the Springfield Police Department accomplished only 432 arrests. Based on a 2022 national crime victimization survey (NCVS) conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), it indicates that (68%) of violent victimizations go unreported to the police nationally. The same (NCVS) survey reports that a little over half (51.1%) of all domestic violence incidents go unreported to law enforcement. Based on OBCI data and the research in this report, Springfield has an epidemic of domestic violence. In 2022, according to OBCI, when it comes to reported Domestic Violence incidents, the Springfield Police Department reported that 71.5% of those incidents had victims who were injured. From 2015 to 2022, Domestic violence incidents with victim-related injuries increased from 22.9% to 71.5% of incidents. SEE FULL REPORT HERE (PDF)

On August 13, 2024, I told the world of Serial Domestic Violence Serial Offenders in Springfield...future killers! In October 2024, I read off the name, Raymond Scott, to Commissioner Tracy Tackett. SDVC identified him as a serial domestic violence offender. Now Raymond Scott, 27, of Springfield, was indicted on charges of aggravated murder, murder, aggravated burglary, strangulation, and felonious assault for the February 15, 2025, Murder of Kaleena Bentley. Someone, please tell me, what is it going to take for people to listen to hard facts? How many more Women need to die?

SPRINGFIELD, OH – April 3, 2025 – The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) today released findings from its critical examination of gun-related arrest data in Springfield, Ohio, between January 1, 2021, and December 31, 2023. The SDVC white paper highlights significant concerns regarding the data presented by Mr. Caleb Perkins, the Gun Violence Prevention Coordinator for the Office for Individual Change (OIC). The SDVC’s analysis, which focused on 500 unique individuals arrested for gun-related offenses, revealed inconsistencies and a lack of methodological rigor in Mr. Perkins’ reporting to the Springfield City Commissioners. The coalition found that Mr. Perkins demonstrated a fundamental misunderstanding of basic criminology concepts, including the conflation of “incidents,” “arrests,” and “charges.” Furthermore, the SDVC’s review of the OIC representative’s grant reports allegedly uncovered numerous errors, including formatting, mathematical, and data inconsistencies. Notably, the SDVC identified discrepancies in arrest/identity counts and a complete absence of crucial demographic data within these reports. The SDVC’s meticulous analysis of the raw data identified 500 unique individuals arrested for gun-related offenses, with 80 individuals identified as re-offenders. This figure directly contradicts Mr. Perkins’ inflated count of offenders presented to the city. The SDVC’s examination also revealed that a significant portion of gun violence in Springfield involves individuals in their early twenties, despite the OIC grant’s focus on “youth.” Analysis of the criminal history of arrested individuals aged 18 and over indicated a high number of lifetime criminal cases, suggesting a critical need to address the underlying factors contributing to this behavior. The SDVC contends that Mr. Perkins has not provided sufficient data to substantiate claims that youth gun violence is significantly impacting the community. The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition is deeply concerned by the discrepancies and lack of rigor identified in the OIC’s reported gun violence data. Accurate and reliable data is essential for developing effective strategies to address gun violence in our community. The SDVC urges the Springfield City Commissioners to carefully consider these findings and calls for a thorough review of the data collection and reporting methods employed by the Office for Individual Change. About the Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC): The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) is a dedicated organization committed to ending domestic violence and promoting safety and justice for victims in the Springfield, Ohio, community. READ THE REPORT - PDF BELOW